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Although adolescents do not consciously pose this question to themselves, it is a central issue with which they struggle. Psychologists define this process as identity formation. Identity is a commitment to a sum of values, beliefs, and attitude. It may include relationship, vocational, political, religious, intellectual, cultural, and other domains (Parker 1). The ultimate goal of adolescent’s development is identity achievement, which is equal to becoming an adult. This process is not always smooth. More than half of all young people chose ineffective ways to search for their adult roles in life.
Marcia (1966) determined four different styles that adolescents may use in resolving the issue of identity. He termed them statuses. Two of them, called identity achievement and moratorium, eventually lead to identity formation. They both involve exploring possible options before "making a commitment to a specific identity" ("Psychiatric" 503). On the contrary, the two other statuses, called foreclosure and identity diffusion, do not promote the formation of a genuine identity.
Both foreclosure and diffusion are similar in their lack of exploration of available alternatives and are not considered desirable modes of identity development (Parker 1). However, studies showed that about 55% of youngsters of the average age just over eighteen years are characterized by using foreclosure and identity diffusion styles, 15% and 40% respectively (Meeus). Both of these statuses also may require specific psychiatric interventions ("Psychiatric" 504). The adolescents who cannot get past either of these two stages may face interpersonal and vocational problems in their future. The similarity between these two statuses shows itself also in the fact that they pose the two extremes in the search for identity. These extremes mostly apply to the general ability to make a commitment. One pole, foreclosure, refers to making a premature commitment to an adult identity without thorough exploration of the available options. The opposite pole, diffusion, is characterized by lack of commitment to any set of values and avoiding identity decision ("Psychiatric" 503). In this connection, foreclosure and diffusion individuals display clear-cut distinctions in different spheres of their lives: family, psychological, interpersonal, and vocational.
The realm of family relations displays big differences between these two groups of youth. In fact, family gives a start to person’s identity formation long before teenage years. Dr. Mary Parker in her "Lecture 9: Adolescence" stresses that parents of adolescents in foreclosure status show autocratic style of upbringing. They foster adherence to the family’s rules without encouraging their kids to express opinions. The adolescents themselves speak of their families as cohesive and close (Parker 2). They usually have warm relationships and a strong bond with their parents and families. In contrast, parents of teens in identity diffusion status often demonstrate permissive style of child rearing providing little guidance and support. The adolescents report them as emotionally unavailable, "distant", or even "rejecting" (Parker 2). It may be said that parents of foreclosure teens exemplify commitment to their families in the way they understand it. On the contrary, the parents of diffuse teens show less commitment to their kids’ future and low attention to their problems.
It is interesting enough that from historical point of view, moving of family relations toward more liberal had changed inversely occurrences of foreclosure and diffusion through the two generations in the second half of the twentieth century. The 1975 generational comparison study revealed that foreclosure status was much more common in the fathers than in their sons. In contrast, the sons were significantly more likely to attain identity diffusion status than their fathers (Waterman and Waterman). Hence, while foreclosure distribution has been decreasing in contemporary society, identity diffusion, conversely, has been growing.
The more adolescents account for the diffusion stage, the more troubled teens may be observed in the society. Diffused teens have psychological peculiarities which cause more behavioral difficulties than foreclosure teens display (Wires, Barocas and Hollenbeck). Unlike foreclosure individuals that are approval seeking (Parker 2), diffused youth may behave in rebellious and selfdamaging ways, such as substance use and "reckless driving" or sex ("Psychiatric" 504). In 1988 Jones and Hartmann have surveyed almost thirteen thousand adolescents concerning their experience with substance use. Diffused teens were "about twice as likely to have tried cigarettes and alcohol, three times as likely to have tried marijuana, four times as likely to have tried inhalants, and five times more likely to have used cocaine than their foreclosed peers" (Jones and Hartmann). These behaviors of diffused youth partially indicate the considerable levels of anxiety, unlike foreclosure teens that are "least anxious of identity groups" (Parker). The ability to make a commitment prevents foreclosure teens from egocentric, reckless, and dangerous behaviors. In contrast, diffused teens may experiment thoughtlessly driven by their uncertainty and anxiety due to the absence of an adopted ability to make a commitment.
Differences between foreclosure and diffusion attitudes toward commitment become apparent in interpersonal realm. Foreclosure individuals are usually committed to "stereotypic styles" of relations, as they have not developed their own styles (Parker 2). They accept their parents/grandparents’ traditions. In contrast, diffused individuals often "experience unstable interpersonal relationships with others" ("Psychiatric" 504). They run away from making commitments. Some of them may show "restricted emotional expression and detachment from other people" which are characteristics of schizoid personality. Others may be impulsive which is typical for borderline personality ("Psychiatric" 503-504). Such signs may indicate a need for psychiatric interventions. Although foreclosure adolescents may also need mental health services, their psychological problems are different. It may be said that these adolescents are overcommitted to the needs of others. They often put aside their own interests and wishes. Sometimes this attitude is rooted in the childhood if these persons were abused or made "to take on adultlike responsibilities" being a child ("Psychiatric" 504). These opposite psychological features of the two groups of youth are imprinted on their personal and, hence, social lives.
Social activities, such as voting, are also affected differently by foreclosure and diffusion statuses. It has been found that foreclosure individuals usually participate in voting although their political choices depend on the imposed identity. Unlike them, diffused individuals are more likely not to vote (Huffmon, Gentry, and Lawrence 7). They are uncertain what they care for. Thus, these two groups of adolescents demonstrate opposite styles of interaction and different psychological problems, which extends beyond personal to social life.
The most prominent distinction between foreclosure and diffusion individuals emerges from their attitude toward future vocation. Foreclosure adolescents usually accept choices that their parents have presented to them. They may borrow the goals and beliefs from their parents. These individuals prematurely assume occupational identity without thorough exploration of the available options. They may feel guilty not doing what their families expect them to do ("Psychiatric" 503-504). Unlike them, diffused adolescents suffer uncertainty about their future vocational preferences. They often have good intellectual and social abilities but cannot reach their potentials ("Psychiatric" 503). Unlike foreclosure status when youth are overcommitted to the needs of others, identity diffusion style shows lack of commitment to any set of values including occupational domain. The following two examples illustrate differences between foreclosure and identity diffusion stages in adolescence.
Lisa is an older sister in the family with five children. She is keen on writing and previously has expressed a desire to study journalism. Nevertheless, she decides to stay with her parents to work in the family restaurant business after high school. Her parents strongly approve her decision. Lisa’s commitment to her parents’ ideas made her assume a foreign to her nature identity.
On the contrary, her next door neighbor, Alan, is not ready yet to consider any of the scenarios of his own future. Alan is a cute first year college student who just dropped from the History of Technology class. He changed his mind and decided that he would better major in paralegal studies rather than in computer science. Alan’s grades are mostly C and B, and his teachers think that he can do much better. His interpersonal relationships are not long-lasting as he "flits from one new girlfriend to another in a few weeks time" ("Psychiatric" 503). In contrast to Lisa’s problem, avoidance of commitment to ideas and relationships is a major obstacle in Alan’s way to identity.
Although foreclosure and diffused statuses are characterized by the contrary attitudes to commitment, both of them hinder adolescents from achievement of real identity. The desirable scenario for these two groups is to begin serious exploration of one’s natural inclinations and available alternatives in order to move further to identity achievement stage. Parents and teachers can facilitate these adolescents’ uneasy way to adulthood, learning more about this eternal issue and providing a supportive environment for these young people.
Works Cited
Frisch, Noreen Cavan and Lawrence E. Frisch. Psychiatric Mental Health Nursing. Albany, New York: Delmar Publishers, 1998.
Huffmon, Scott H., Bobbi Gentry and Christopher N. Lawrence. "Rock & Roll Will Never Die?" Winthrop University and University of Mississippi, 2003. 12 Dec. 2006. <http://www.cnlawrence.com/papers/rocknroll.pdf>.
Jones R.M. and B.R. Hartmann. "Ego identity: developmental differences and experimental substance use among adolescents." Jornal of Adolescence 11.4 (Dec. 1988) 347-60. 12 Dec. 2006. <" target=_blank>http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/entrez/query.fcgi?cmd=Retrieve&db=PubMed&list_uids=3235725&dopt=Abstract>;.
Meeus, Wim. "Occupational identity development, school performance, and social support in adolescence..." Adolescence 28.112 (1993) 10. Consumer Health Complete. EBSCOHost Web. 05 Dec. 2006. <http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&amp;db=cmh&AN=9402100667&site=chc-live>.
Parker, Mary. "Lecture 9: Adolescence." PS1006 Lifespan Psychology Jan. 2005. City University. School of Social Sciences. 12 Dec. 2006. <http://www.city.ac.uk/psychology/dps/teaching/PS1006/Lecture%209%20Adolescence.pdf>.
Waterman, Caroline K. and Alan S. Waterman. "Fathers and sons: A study of ego identity across two generations." Journal of Youth and Adolescence 4.4 (Dec. 1975) 331-338. 12 Dec. 2006. < " target=_blank>http://www.springerlink.com/content/q3280425274682g1/>;.
Wires John W., Ralph Barocas, and Albert R. Hollenbeck. "Determinants of adolescent identity development: a cross-sequential study of boarding school boys." Adolescence Summer, 1994. 12 Dec. 2006. http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m2248/is_n114_v29/ai_15622137/pg_6.
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